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Thereafter, at least during the life of the Long Wall, the road ran down to Piraeus adjacent to the interior face of the structure. Its course is evident from the discovery of the actual road surface as well as burials probably made next to it. See Judeich , ; Conwell , Andreiomenou , no. Costaki , , no. On the common occurrence of burials adjacent to roads, see Kurtz and Boardman , ; Garland , with n. Mastrokostas n.

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The Archaeological Service has excavated a variety of graves which were presumably in the vicinity of this road as it ran alongside the Long Wall: Liangouras , no. For a fourth-century enclosure identified as a burial peribolos, see Petrakos , Kyprou and 25es Martiou: Kallithea ; the findspot, however, may be outside rather than inside the northern Athens-Piraeus Long Wall.

A second major road, or hamaxitos, ran southwest from Athens to the deme and port of Phaleron figs. With Phaleron located at the eastern end of the bay, one may recognize this road as the artery which connected the asty with that port city. More recently, archaeologists have found both the actual roadway and the remains of many burials as well as some funeral pyres beside it, especially in the area where the road approaches the ancient city wall of Athens.

Kalligas , For the course and importance of this route, see Conwell , ; Costaki , Closer to Phaleron, Keramopoullos , 6 n.

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Note also the discovery of a bath adjacent to the road, for which see Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou , 17 no. Classical and Hellenistic burials include Third Archaeological District , Demetrakopoulou 85 ; Andreiomenou , no.

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In addition to the major arteries joining the asty with its port cities, secondary roads and simple footpaths will have provided access to the houses, sanctuaries, and fields of the coastal plain. One such route approaching 5 m in width has been excavated not far south of ancient Athens, and I. Papachristodoulou reports probable traces of a road at the Kybele sanctuary. Olympiou 15 ; Alexandre , Drakou 19 ; Stoupa , no.

For pyres from classical times, see Third Archaeological District , Demetrakopoulou 85 ; Alexandre , no. In general, burials and pyres in this list were found within about a city block of the line of modern Phalerou St. XII, fig. XII; Wycherley , 17; Kalligas , Staes found two walls which shared a similar north-south alignment and may have run parallel to each other at a distance of about 10 m. Papademetriou discovered walls which appeared to belong to the same structures as the two located in A road on the order of 10 m wide would have been exceptionally broad, however, even by the standards of Athens itself.

That the Long Walls had gates also attests to the existence of roads in the coastal plain. In modern Neo Phalero, archaeologists have located physical traces of gateways in both of the Athens-Piraeus structures, and an inscription refers to a gate in the northern of those two Long Walls. To be sure, certain special arteries of the asty would have dwarfed Papademetrious possible road; see Costaki , with n.

I line For an earlier discussion of the diodoi, see Conwell , As already mentioned, the road identified by Schilardi may have crossed the line of the same Long Wall, but the excavated evidence is inconclusive.

The coastal plain was no doubt overshadowed by the two great cities between which it was located. Nevertheless, anyone moving between the asty and its port cities at Piraeus and Phaleron will have become familiar with the region and welcomed the unimposing topography of the region. Both written sources and archaeological remains show that by the Classical period it resembled other rural settings in Attika.

Living in nucleated settlements and isolated farmsteads, the residents of the coastal plain moved along roads major and minor, farmed the not infertile land, visited local sanctuaries, and buried their dead. The construction of the Long Walls will have interrupted the rhythm of life in the plain, for the straight sections of the structures obviously ignored the borders of individual farm plots, and they probably turned some roads into dead ends. Still, after adapting to the new reality, the plains inhabitants no doubt resumed their simple lives, to be interrupted again when an emergency resulted in the settlement of refugees in their midst.

Travlos , recognizes them as routes through gateways; cf. Garlan , on Philos usage of the term. Long ago, K. Mller , 74 suggested that diodoi were passages through towers at wall-walk level. For a summary, see Judeich , with n. Note also Wachsmuth , with nn. Collectively, the phase Ia structures were likely known as the Long Walls, while a metaphorical label, the Legs, may likewise have applied to them.

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Individually, each phase Ia structure was called a Long Wall but also likely had a more specific name. Thucydides is the earliest source to use the collective label , the Long Walls, of the original two structures. The historian reports several times in short succession on their construction. About this period the Athenians began to build their long walls to the sea, one to Phalerum, the other to the Peiraeus.

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Thucydides wrote this report decades after the work in questionand in fact after the phase Ib wall had been added to the original two structures. Conceivably, then, his testimony is anachronistic. It is reasonable to assume, however, that the names by which Thucydides knew the Long Walls reflected the nomenclature with which he had became familiar in his youth, beginning before the third wall was built. Thus, one may suppose that the name Long Walls applied early on to the structures joining the asty with its harbors.

An old suggestion holds that the name developed only after the early-fourth-century reconstruction of the Long Walls II. For another clear instance, see Plut. Krger , n. Walls by the later fifth century. As for the names applied to the phase Ia structures individually, the above statement by Thucydides indicates, not surprisingly, that the Athenians knew each one as , the Long Wall.

History of the Peloponnesian War, by Thucydides

This form of reference does not distinguish between the structures, but Thucydides usage shows that the addition of a prepositional phrase made the label more specific. Each phase Ia wall was probably also named after the city which served as its endpoint. In the context of the year , Thucydides refers to the Athens-Phaleron structure as , the Phaleric Wall. The other phase Ia Long Wall, which ran from Athens down to Piraeus, was presumably known by the analogous term, , the Piraic Wall, although no ancient author uses the label of that structure.

Ziegler , ; Pelling , 45; Lamberton , For other instances of this name, see Harp. FGrHist F 1. Periegete, FGrHist F 1, col. II 5 line 25 restored. For the entry in the Suda, see Whitehead, D.

A day in the life of an ancient Athenian - Robert Garland

Only one ancient source, Anth. Given the supposed chronological priority of the De pace, it is regularly assumed that Aischines was following that source. In recent times, however, E. Harris has argued authoritatively that the De pace is a Hellenistic forgery which combines and confuses information from earlier authors, Aischines included. In his account of fifthcentury history, the orator places the construction of the Northern Wall after the conclusion of a truce between Athens and Sparta, normally recognized as the Five Years Truce of But when certain men had stirred up trouble and finally caused us to become involved in war with the Lacedaemonians, then, after we had suffered and inflicted many losses, Miltiades, the son of Cimon, who was proxenus of the Lacedaemonians, negotiated with them, and we made a truce for fifty years, and kept it thirteen years.

During this period we fortified the Peiraeus and built the Northern Wall [ ]. One may interpret Aischines statement in two ways. On the one hand, the orator seems to suggest that the first Athens-Piraeus structure was known as the Northern Wall when it was built. On the other hand, Aischinesspeaking in might inaccurately employ a name which was current in his own time but had not originally applied to the structure. Although the first of these alternatives would support the belief that one of the phase Ia Long Walls was called the Northern Wall, the second alternative is no less likely.

Aischines sought to persuade, after all, so one need not expect that he will have sacrificed the potential success of his rhetoric to pedantic matters of nomenclature. Moreover, Aischines reference to the Northern Wall occurs in a narrative context which is universally understood to contain fundamental errors concerning fifth-century history. Harris , ; Harris , passim. Note that this translation departs from the original in its rendition of the words , translated by Adams as the north wall. On the errors in Aischines report, as well as the mistakes in the related account by [Andokides], see Nouhaud , ; Thompson , ; Carey , n.

A statement by the lexicographer Harpokration might also suggest that the original Athens-Piraeus Long Wall was known as the Northern Wall.